Chicago
Bosselmann-Ruickbie, Antje. “I. Craftsmanship Matters:
The Medieval Silver-Gilt Casket in the Cathedral Treasury of
Trier and Its Goldsmithing Techniques in the Context of Cultural
Entanglement .” In
Materia: Journal of Technical Art History (Issue
3), by Lucretia Kargère, Ramon Solé, Federico Caró, José Luis
Prada, Núria Guasch-Ferré, Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie, Rowan
Frame, Leila Sabouni, Ainslie Harrison, and Kirsten Moffitt. Los
Angeles: Materia, 2022.
http://localhost:8080/essay_bosselmann-ruickbie/.
MLA
Bosselmann-Ruickbie, Antje. “I. Craftsmanship Matters:
The Medieval Silver-Gilt Casket in the Cathedral Treasury of
Trier and Its Goldsmithing Techniques in the Context of Cultural
Entanglement .”
Materia: Journal of Technical Art History (Issue
3), by Lucretia Kargère et al., Materia, 2022,
http://localhost:8080/essay_bosselmann-ruickbie/. Accessed
DD Mon. YYYY.
I. Craftsmanship Matters: The Medieval Silver-gilt Casket
in the Cathedral Treasury of Trier and Its Goldsmithing
Techniques in the Context of Cultural Entanglement
Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie
The Cathedral Treasury in Trier, Germany, houses a medieval
silver-gilt casket that very likely has been in the
collection at least since 1429. High-quality ornaments in
filigree and granulation decorate its corpus and lid, while
the bottom plate is densely chased with elegant medallions,
scrolls and fabulous creatures. In the absence of figurative
and epigraphic elements, research has struggled to determine
the casket’s provenance and date. To investigate its origin,
it was thus essential to complement art historical
approaches with analyses of the material composition and
goldsmithing techniques. These were conducted at the
Leibniz-Forschungsinstitut für Archäologie Mainz (LEIZA)
within a research project funded by the Gerda Henkel
Stiftung Düsseldorf. As a result, not only the integrity of
the object, which had been questioned in the past, was
verified, but also observations on particular technical
elements added important arguments to determine the
provenance of the silver casket. The Fatimid tradition of
applying line granulation in grooves between two parallel
wires in combination with comparisons of shape, style, and
ornaments point to Sicily in the mid-twelfth to early
thirteenth centuries. The casket was most likely produced in
the Nobiles Officinae, the royal workshops at Palermo that
blossomed under the Norman and Hohenstaufen rule, and
appears to be the only survivor of its kind. This case study
aims to demonstrate the potential of technical art history
when it comes to the medium of goldsmiths’ works, which have
been relatively understudied using this perspective to date.
*This article has been approved for publication by peer
review.
Introduction
The Cathedral Treasury in Trier, Germany, houses a unique
silver-gilt casket decorated with high-quality ornaments in
filigree and granulation on its corpus and lid, while the
bottom plate is chased and shows medallions, scrolls, and
fabulous creatures (Fig. 1–10).1
Lacking figural scenes and inscriptions, to date the casket
has received limited attention in research, and it has usually
been mentioned only briefly in publications. Despite this
relative neglect, over the course of the past 150 years,
diverse suggestions have been made regarding the casket’s
provenance, ranging from Byzantium, Moscow, the territory of
the Golden Horde located along the Volga River, Mesopotamia,
Syria, Egypt, Italy and Spain. As to the casket’s chronology,
various suggestions have ranged from the eleventh to fifteenth
centuries.2
The main aims of my research project were, first, to clarify
the provenance and date of the object and, second, to explore
the potential of these findings in relation to broader art
historical discourse, especially on the topic of transcultural
exchange during the Middle Ages. With these aims in mind, a
research project was initiated that was funded by the Gerda
Henkel Stiftung, Düsseldorf, Germany, and incorporated into
the research programme of the Leibniz ScienceCampus
Mainz/Frankfurt.3
In order to investigate the material composition and
goldsmithing techniques, a collaboration was established with
the Department of Scientific and Experimental Archaeology at
the Leibniz-Forschungsinstitut für Archäologie Mainz (LEIZA)
to analyse the casket’s materials, construction, and
metalworking techniques.4
Since such in-depth investigations of material composition and
technology are still the exception rather than the rule when
it comes to goldsmiths’ works, it was a great opportunity to
examine this contextless object. In this way, approaches from
the perspective of art history, history, materials science,
and technology complemented each other and together provided a
dense chain of evidence to answer the question of the silver
casket’s origin and date. In this contribution, I will present
some of the research results with emphasis on the technical
findings, which provide a crucial component in this
investigation. Furthermore, this article generally aims to
highlight the benefits of technical art history when it comes
to understanding the medium of goldsmiths’ works, which were
so often transmitted without historical context.
Description of the Casket
The silver casket consists of a rectangular corpus with a lid
in the shape of a truncated pyramid and is closed with a
silver peg that is crowned by a seated lion (Fig. 4).5
Additional features are the fragile handles on the sides and
cast lion’s feet (Figs. 1, 7, 8). Weighing almost 4.5
kilograms and composed of high-carat silver, the gilded casket
is constructed using a framework consisting of two layers of
sheet silver for the corpus and the lid. On each side,
openings were cut out from the double sheets of silver in the
shape of rectangles and right-angled trapezesia, with the
inner sheet left slightly broader. This way, the eighteen
separately produced plates could be set into the openings and
rest on the inner margins of the frame (see Fig. 9). An
additional metal strip was attached to hold the plates in
place as is typical for bezel settings. Small marks were
incised on the inside of the plates to either indicate the
exact location for each of the plates or to identify the
maker, which were made separately, not in situ.
The eighteen plates are decorated with dense filigree and
granulation, framed by a plait pattern that is interrupted in
each corner by either a six-pointed star or a Solomon’s knot
(Figs. 4, 5). The rectangular plates inserted into the front
and back of the casket’s corpus are adorned with complex knots
inscribed into round medallions with a double frame. Smaller
knots arranged in roughly square shapes are placed in the
corners on those plates inserted into the corpus, accompanied
by Solomon’s knots. Variations of these complex knot motifs
also decorate the plates inserted into the sides of the corpus
and the lid (Figs. 1, 3). In addition, every space of the
plates is filled with delicate spiral filigree and minuscule,
flattened twisted wires bent in the shape of a little hook or
worm (thus called “vermicular filigree”; Figs. 5, 6). The
glittering, “pearly” surface was achieved through the addition
of granulation work and the filigree by subtly varying heights
of the decoration (Figs. 5, 6).
The structural framework holding the plates is decorated on
the outside with a geometrical design of overlapping circles
that form lanceolate intersections, punched into the metal
surface (Fig. 4). This pattern is only interrupted by metal
fittings around the lock at the front and the three hinges at
the back (Figs. 1, 2, 4). The horizontal front fittings show
winged, fire-breathing dragons, while the vertical
counterparts show birds and cats of prey. The sole humanoid
figure on the corpus and lid is the tiny leopard sphinx with a
height of only 1.5 centimeters (Fig. 10), situated behind the
lion on the closing peg. The fittings along the casket’s back
are decorated with various birds (center) and floral motifs
(sides).
Although usually not visible, the very thin bottom plate of
the casket is also richly decorated with five large medallions
filled with elegant scrolls and inhabited by animals and
mythical beasts (Figs 7, 8), such as monocephalic double
lions, griffins, three hares arranged in a circle and sharing
three ears, and two crowned human-headed sphinxes with tails
ending in dragons’ heads. This superbly chiselled plate is
framed by a plaited band, visually linking the bottom plate
with the plates of the corpus and the lid (Fig. 4).
Written and Visual Sources
Historical information on the silver casket in Trier is
scarce. The first written source that can be related to it
with confidence is a list of objects in Trier’s Cathedral
Treasury dating to 1429. It contains an entry referring to an
“exquisite” silver-gilt shrine with head relics of Saint
Lazarus and Empress Helena, the latter’s skull surrounded by
two gold bands and decorated with precious stones and
pearls.6
This description is important for the history of Trier, as
Helena was the revered mother of the Roman Emperor Constantine
I the Great (r. 306–37 CE). Her palace in the Roman city of
Augusta Treverorum, today Trier, was part of a large endowment
to the church and laid the foundation of the architectural
ensemble of the Church of Our Lady (Liebfrauenkirche) and the
cathedral we see today. Relics of Lazarus of Bethany, who had
been resurrected by Jesus according to the Gospel of John
(11:1–44), are also mentioned for the church of Saint Paulin
in Trier in an inscription dating to 1088, although it is not
clear at what date the skull relic entered the cathedral.7
The reliquary mentioned in the list of 1429 is likely to be
the silver-gilt casket in question, a depiction of which
appears later on the Heiltumsblatt, an etching dating
from 1655 (Figs. 11, 12).8
Although deviating in some details, the depiction clearly
shows the same casket, labelled here as the reliquary for the
skull of Saint Lazarus (Caput S. Lazari resuscitatia). In the Heiltumsblatt, the object is part of the
distinguished group of relics in precious reliquaries
surrounding the most revered of them all, the Holy Robe of
Jesus Christ.
ExpandFig. 11Heiltumsblatt, showing the relics of Trier,
Designatio Sacratissimarum quarundam Reliquiarum,
Cologne, 1655. Etching, 21 11/16 x 15 9/16 in. (55 x
39.5 cm). Bibliothek des Bischöflichen
Priesterseminars Trier.ExpandFig. 12Heiltumsblatt, detail showing the Trier
casket.
The cathedral treasure suffered considerably in the late
eighteenth century, when many of the objects depicted in the
Heiltumsblatt were melted down and the metal
repurposed in order to finance the war against France. One of
the surviving reliquaries depicted in the etching is the
silver casket, which according to a list dating from 1794 was
thought to be of no particular value and consequently saved
from the furnace.9
Today, the material value of the massive silver casket becomes
obvious when the lid of the casket is opened (Fig. 9). In the
eighteenth century, however, the inside must have had a
different appearance. Based on comparisons with other caskets,
we can hypothesise that it was lined with textiles, obscuring
its actual value.10
This could have led to the assumption that the silver casket’s
core was made from wooden panels that accounted for its
considerable weight, and that the amount of metal was not
worth melting down. In any case, today, the object appears to
be the only one of this kind that has survived.
Art Historical Evidence
Decontextualized from its original function, the casket is
today an empty, somewhat dusty museum object that has left art
historians puzzled regarding the questions of its origin and
production date. Neither inscriptions nor iconographical
themes provide intrinsic information, and the exact date of
the casket’s arrival in Trier is unknown. As mentioned above,
the only indication that the silver casket had already
migrated during the Middle Ages is the 1429 inventory list,
suggesting a terminus ante quem for the object.
Comparing the casket and its decoration with other artworks
requires a consideration of European, Byzantine and “Islamic”
art from a wide geographical area and broad chronological time
span.
11
Many of the ornaments on the silver casket were common in the
medieval Mediterranean and far beyond. Interesting examples
include the “Three Hares’’ motif (Fig. 8, top left), which can
be traced back to sixth-century China12
and illustrates the enormous popularity and longevity of
certain motifs represented on the Trier casket. Others
appeared as early as Roman antiquity, such as the “Solomon’s
Knot” (see the small medallion in Fig. 5), but can also be
found in twelfth-century art of the Mediterranean, such as the
ivory covers of the Melisende Psalter, made between 1131 and
1143.13
The versatility of some of these ornaments is astonishing but
understandable since they can so easily be adapted and
reinterpreted beyond religious or political frameworks, thus
extending their meaning towards archaeologist Oleg Grabar’s
concept of a “shared culture,”14
especially with regard to the period under consideration here.
It is beyond the scope of this article to discuss all of the
ornaments, let alone trace their origins, development, and
distribution, which is only productive and relevant in some
cases.15
Without additional contextual evidence, ornaments, animals,
and hybrid creatures can be difficult to pinpoint16
and cannot per se yield solid information on the provenance
and date of an object. However, it is not the single ornament,
but the combination of the motifs on the Trier casket
that helps in the reconstruction of the object’s origins. This
evidence can be found in the arts of Sicily dated to the
twelfth/early thirteenth centuries.17
For example, in the Cappella Palatina in Palermo, built by the
Norman King Roger II (r. 1130–54), the interior combines
Byzantine mosaics with a wooden Muqarnas ceiling. In both we
find many relevant ornaments, such as complex knots and spiral
scrolls (Fig. 13), lanceolate “petals,” as well as rows of
intertwined medallions similar to those on the casket’s
underside. Furthermore, the Muqarnas ceiling is decorated with
star-shaped medallions (Fig. 14) that are again reminiscent of
the medallions on the casket’s underside (Figs. 7, 8). Other
comparanda are found in ivory works from Sicily and
southern Italy, such as the group of c. ninety oliphants
(ivory horns) that are often decorated with intertwined
medallions and a similar range of animals and fabulous
creatures.18
Further examples of medallions comparable to those on the
silver casket’s bottom plate are found on representatives of
the even larger group of so-called Siculo-Arabic ivory caskets
(Figs. 15, 16).19
While these comparisons only provide part of the story
relating to the Trier casket’s origin, it is remarkable how
well the combination of motifs on the casket fits into the
cultural sphere of Norman and Hohenstaufen Sicily. The
suggested Sicilian origin for the Trier silver casket can be
complemented and consolidated by materials science and
especially the analysis of techniques.
ExpandFig. 15Siculo-Arabic ivory casket, mid-12th century. Ivory,
painted with gold, brown, and vermilion red, 4 7/16 x
3 3/8 x 2 15/16 in. (11.2 x 8.5 x 7.5 cm). Benaki
Museum Athens, inv. no. 10637. From Knipp,
Siculo-Arabic Ivories, 323, fig. 6b.ExpandFig. 16Siculo-Arabic ivory casket, detail. From Knipp,
Siculo-Arabic Ivories, 323, fig. 6b.
Scientific Analyses of the Trier Casket
Earlier researchers’ difficulties in pinpointing the Trier
casket’s origins are not surprising for several reasons: lack
of opportunities for inspection, insufficient photographic
documentation, and a far less comprehensive state of research.
In particular, the first led to misunderstandings regarding
the appearance of the solid-silver casket: for example, it had
been assumed previously that the bottom plate was attached to
the Trier casket at a later date due to supposed stylistic
differences with the object’s corpus. It was further assumed
that the casket was made from wood and only revetted with
metal plates.20
As discussed above, the misinterpretations had probably saved
the casket from the furnace in the late eighteenth century .
Taking this previous lack of material information into
account, it became essential to investigate the casket’s
materials and goldsmithing techniques in order to answer the
questions of whether the object is indeed an authentic, intact
object and whether it shows signs of losses, additions, and
repairs. To this aim, the object was analysed with different
methods at the LEIZA: X-radiography was used to illuminate the
casket’s structural components and production methods. X-ray
fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF) yielded information on the
chemical composition and revealed the metal alloys used in its
creation. The object was studied further with photomicrography
(see Fig. 10).21
The analytical methods cannot provide reliable information
with regard to the age and the provenance of metals—at least
not for the Middle Ages.22
However, the LEIZA analyses confirmed that the composition of
the silver used for the casket is consistent throughout the
entire structure of the object except for two brass nails used
to repair a broken hinge at the back and a later copper nail
in the bottom plate.23
The silver content in all areas of measurement was shown to
exceed 90% (all measurements were taken from spots where the
gilding had been abraded). For example, it was found to be
98.04% in the bottom plate and 97.19% in the frame. Adding to
this, the fire gilding used throughout was shown to contain a
mercury content of c. 10–12%, a concentration that is also
consistent throughout the object.24
The analyses did not reveal any signs of later
repair/re-gilding, as such changes would have been reflected
through differences in the gold/mercury contents of the
gilding. The latter result in particular provides very strong
evidence that the whole structure of the casket was
manufactured and completed as part of a single production
campaign. In other words, the results indicate that all parts
of the casket are contemporary to one another, with the
possible exception of the lion peg, which offers some room for
doubts.25
The complete lack of visible traces of repair along the edges
of the bottom plate—for example, one would expect solder
remnants, loss of original gilding, or traces of
re-gilding—speaks convincingly for the casket, including the
handles, being intact.
Having established that the Trier casket is, in fact, an
intact, complete object, we now turn to its goldsmithing
techniques, with the aim of further narrowing down its
possible date and origin. For this, it is necessary to take
into account the movement and exchange between crafts and the
craftsmen who were active during this period and can thus be
viewed as “agents of cultural entanglement.”26
In discussing these cultural entanglements and the issue of
craftsmanship, comparisons with artworks securely ascribed to
this period of Sicilian history are essential.27
Although no other caskets with filigree and granulation from
Sicily appear to have survived from this date, details of the
ceremonial sword of Frederick II (Figs. 17, 18) and the
so-called Kamelaukion of Frederick’s wife Constance
of Aragon are comparable. These two objects are decorated with
pearls, enamels, and filigree, the latter characterised by
wires shaped like little worms. This particular kind of
decoration, referred to as vermicular filigree, is in turn
characteristic of the Palermitan workshops from this period
and was also used earlier on several objects from Sicily, such
as the frames of the enamels on the coronation robe (1133/34)
of the Norman King of Sicily Roger II.28
Thus, vermicular filigree would have remained in fashion for
about a century during the Norman and Hohenstaufen rule. More
importantly, the same kind of filigree decoration is also
found on the Trier casket (Figs. 4–6) and is in that detail
remarkably similar to the works mentioned above.
ExpandFig. 17Ceremonial sword of Emperor Frederick II with
scabbard, before 1220, Palermo. L. of sword 42¾ in.
(108.5 cm), l. of scabbard 36 7/16 in. (92.5 cm).
Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, inv. no. Schatzkammer,
WS XIII 16 (www.khm.at/de/object/03022a216b/-).ExpandFig. 18Detail of the ceremonial sword of Emperor Frederick
II with scabbard with vermicular filigree. Photo:
Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie.
Also worthy of mention is that the style of the granulation on
the Trier casket is executed in a particular fashion: lines of
granules are set into the grooves between two upright
flattened wires, reminiscent of a so-called “marble run” (Fig.
6). This technique represents a very particular method of
keeping the tiny gold spheres in place while soldering, but
also raises the line granulation above the level of the spiral
filigree, producing an undulated, glittering surface. A group
of small belt fittings from Sicily (Fig. 19) match the
casket’s style of granulation and filigree very well,
including a strikingly similar glittering surface.29
This fitting was attached to a blue silk belt
(cingulum), which probably belonged to the coronation
insignia of Roger II, dating from 1133/34, and thus would have
represented the highest level of craftsmanship and taste at
the Palermitan court. Although the star-motif on the belt
fitting is different from the ornaments on the casket, the
granules are set within a comparable “marble run.”
ExpandFig. 19Cingulum (belt), probably belonging to the
coronation vestments of King Roger II (crowned 1133/34),
detail of a belt fitting. Gold, granulation, and filigree.
Kunsthistorisches Museum Vienna, inv. no. Schatzkammer, WS
XIII 10. From Maria Andaloro, ed.,
Nobiles Officinae: Perle, filigrane e trame di seta dal
Palazzo Reale di Palermo, exh. cat. (Catania: G. Maimone, 2006), vol. 1, no.
I.7.
Generally, lines of round shapes, such as pearls, granules,
and painted dots are visual hallmarks of twelfth-century
Sicilian art, seen, for example, in the rows of tiny round
holes on a rock-crystal lion’s head that can be attributed to
Sicily (today in Karlsruhe, Germany).30
Further examples are the rows of white pearls in Palermitan
textiles31
and other pearl-embroidered objects (including a ceremonial
sword of Frederick II; Figs. 17, 18), as well as the
aforementioned painted, Fatimid-style Muqarnas ceiling in the
Cappella Palatina, where lines of white indicate pearls to
visually enhance the ceiling’s structure, adding to its
layered morphology (Fig. 20).
The idea of placing granules in grooves is further
characteristic of eleventh- to twelfth-century jewellery from
the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt (tenth to twelfth centuries),
where the tiny gold granules are also set into a groove,
usually between two parallel twisted wires (Fig. 21).32
This additional technical detail in turn provides vital clues
relating to the Trier casket, revealing, through its miniscule
details, a connection to Fatimid craftsmanship traditions.
This is not surprising, since Sicily was under Fatimid rule
during the tenth century and also became de facto an
independent emirate in the eleventh century until the Norman
Conquest (c. 1060–90).33
Thus, the technical details discussed here fit well into the
transcultural atmosphere of the Palermitan court, where Arabic
craftsmen worked alongside artisans of Christian and Jewish
backgrounds.
ExpandFig. 21Detail of a Fatimid “box-shaped” earring, 10th-11th
century. Gold, with filigree and granulation. Benaki
Museum Athens, inv. no. 1863. Photo: Antje
Bosselmann-Ruickbie.
A final comparison with regard to the Trier casket’s
goldsmithing techniques is with the large group of
Siculo-Arabic painted ivory caskets, many of which also have a
lid in the shape of a truncated pyramid.34
Around three hundred of these objects are preserved in various
museum collections and church treasures (see Fig. 15). They
display the “profoundly Arabicized milieu of their
production,”35
again demonstrating how embedded Arabic traditions were in the
arts and crafts of Sicily during this period.36
This group is of special relevance for the Trier casket in one
detail: some of the ivory caskets and other painted ivories
bear painted decorations with large medallions similar to
those on the bottom plate of the Trier casket (compare Figs. 8
and 16). To use a specific example, the ivory casket in the
Benaki Museum in Athens (Figs. 15, 16) is decorated with
medallions, the backgrounds of which are stippled with
miniscule dots.37
The medallions on the bottom plate of the Trier casket have
similarly structured backgrounds made of tiny punched circles
(Fig. 8).
This final observation further strengthens the arguments for
the Trier casket deriving from the Palermitan royal workshops,
while also shedding light on the large group of Siculo-Arabic
ivory caskets and their production. It also shows that
goldsmiths and ivory painters used a similar repertoire of
motifs during this period, and that both would have been
strongly connected with monumental art, such as the Cappella
Palatina and its Muquarnas ceiling with the scroll-filled
medallions. Furthermore, the technical detail of the Benaki
ivory casket’s dotted areas in the medallions seems to
indicate that the painters of ivory caskets looked towards
metal prototypes for their inspiration. However, unlike ivory
objects, metal pieces can easily be melted down and the
materials reused, which is why few such objects remain.38
The construction of the Trier casket is well thought
out—including the assembly marks on the inside—and the
indication that more than one goldsmith was involved in the
making of the silver object hints towards a larger serial
production of metal caskets.39
With the Trier casket, it becomes possible to trace the
remnants of a group of medieval luxury goldsmiths’ works that
has nearly been lost.
Conclusion
Based on the analyses presented in this article, the available
evidence strongly points towards the Trier silver casket
originating from the cultural sphere of Palermo, sometime
between the mid-twelfth to early thirteenth centuries. The
analyses of the casket’s metal composition confirm that the
physical structure of the object is intact, that is, complete
and original to its initial production context. The
comparisons of the motifs with other artworks attributed to
Sicily and especially the particular execution of technical
details (granulation and filigree) provide strong links with
the craftsmen and workshops that were active within this
particular artistic climate.
Sicily was one the most affluent regions of the period,
enabling ambitious patrons to commission top-tier craftsmen
with various religious and cultural backgrounds, including
Christian, Jewish, and Muslim, to produce exceptional
artworks. The multicultural, multivisual, and multilingual
society is a hallmark of Norman Sicily, a characterisation
that includes the craftsmen and artists working for the Norman
rulers.40
Amongst the masterpieces are objects in different media, such
as silk, rock crystal, pearls, and precious metal.41
The Trier silver casket represents one such masterpiece, which
as discussed can be linked to the Nobiles Officinae, the royal
court workshops in Palermo, on the basis of comparisons with
other artworks, especially its notable similarities with the
shape and decoration of the large group of Siculo-Arabic ivory
caskets dating from this period.42
These royal workshops at the Palermitan court were active for
eight decades at least, from 1133/34 to 1190,43
during the Norman Kingdom of Sicily (1130–1194; Roger II was
crowned King of Sicily in 1130). In addition, these workshops
are also likely to have remained active under the succeeding
Hohenstaufen rule, at least until c. 1220 (and probably much
longer than hitherto thought, to at least c. 130044). This is demonstrated by prominent objects discussed in
this article, such as the ceremonial sword (Fig. 12) of
Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen (King of Sicily, 1198;
King of Germany, 1212; King of Italy and Holy Roman Emperor,
1220–1250) and the so-called Kamelaukion of his wife
Constance of Aragon, as well as fragments of her robe, all
made around 1220.45
We do not know precisely when and on what occasion the silver
casket came to Trier, but the precious object fits well within
the context of Hohenstaufen political diplomacy, which often
involved valuable gifts for loyal allies. Frederick II in
particular had the reputation of being very generous, which is
considered a decisive factor in his success as a ruler.46
That being said, it is tempting to assume that the casket was
a gift from Frederick II to the Archbishop of Trier,
Theoderich II (Dietrich von Wied, r. 1212–42), who was one of
his loyal allies during the German throne controversy. This
controversy ended in favour of Frederick II, who went on to
become Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire in 1220.47
However, this cannot be more than a hypothesis as explicit
sources are not available. In any case, the silver casket has
changed its function from what was very likely a secular
object, perhaps a vessel to lock up valuables, to a reliquary,
which in Trier contained important relics.
Beyond these specific technical and art historical results,
this case study of a precious- metal object can further
emphasise the importance of interdisciplinary collaboration
between art historical, scientific, and technological methods
and approaches. This is particularly important for mobile
objects that have shifted over time in terms of their place
and ownership—often already in the Middle Ages—as trade
products, diplomatic gifts, or war booty. Many mobile objects
that have survived until today are not infrequently
contextless in museum collections and church treasuries, as
well as the art market. Without intrinsic information helping
to specify an object’s date and provenance (such as
iconography or inscriptions), clarifying the origin and date
can be difficult.
In the case of the Trier casket, art historical research from
the past 150 years can be said to have reached a wall with
regards to clarifying its origin and age. The extremely
diverse suggestions that have been made for the Trier casket’s
provenance particularly illustrate some of the limitations of
traditional art historical approaches towards such an object.
Art history as a discipline has historically tended to focus
on so-called major or fine art (often represented by painting,
sculpture, and architecture), as opposed to minor art,
referring to artefacts and craft-based works in an often
depreciative sense. Adding to this, art historians of the
twentieth century and earlier have all too often demonstrated
a preference for visual culture instead of material culture,
on iconography instead of ornaments, thus creating certain
hierarchies within mainstream research. These
dichotomies—although challenged especially in recent
decades—provocatively highlight problems encountered when
studying objects belonging to the sphere of material culture,
such as the casket presented in this article.
It is hoped that the collaborative approach demonstrated
through this case study serves to highlight the benefits of
interdisciplinary research, particularly within the context of
art historical investigation. The result has been the
rediscovery of a masterpiece belonging to the medieval art of
goldsmithing from the court at Palermo during its heyday,
while also adding another object to the landscape of
transcultural entanglement, emphasising the significance of
the medium of goldsmiths’ works within this discourse. The
complexity of cross-cultural exchange in the premodern era has
been demonstrated by many different studies, extending across
various disciplines and research perspectives. Cross-media
analyses have led to a deeper understanding of such exchanges,
entanglements, and processes of globalisation on different
levels: through mobile objects, their shape and function,
iconography and style, as well as agents, such as gift-giving
rulers, travelling traders, craftsmen, and pilgrims. An
important differentiation must be added to these complex
patterns of exchange between the decoration of objects and the
specifics of its execution, something which can be observed in
the details of the tradition of and the particular execution
by the craftsman, in other words:
craftsmanship matters.
AUTHOR BIO
Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie studied art history and archaeology
at Bonn University, Germany. Her MA focused on style and
techniques of Byzantine architecture, and her PhD thesis on
Byzantine jewellery won her two academic awards (Byzantinischer Schmuck des 9. bis frühen 13.
Jahrhunderts, Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2011). Antje has been assistant
professor at Mainz University and is currently at Gießen
University, at the Institute of Art History. She is a fellow
of the Royal Historical Society and an associate member of the
Leibniz Science Campus Mainz/Frankfurt: Byzantium between
Orient and Occident. Her research was supported by the
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Research Fund),
Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD, Germany Academic
Exchange Service), Gerda Henkel Foundation, Dumbarton Oaks
Research Library and Collection, and others. Currently, Antje
is working on a book project focusing on the object biography
of the silver casket in Trier within the context of cultural
entanglements in the Mediterranean and beyond. She has
published extensively on Byzantine jewellery, goldsmiths’
works and enamels, on aspects of cultural entanglement in the
Middle Ages, on Byzantine magic, and on the Middle Ages in
popular culture, especially in Heavy Metal music.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahn, Jürgen von, and Kirstin Mannhardt, eds.
Trier—Sakrale Schätze: Kostbarkeiten aus 1500 Jahren: Ein
Auswahlkatalog / Sacred Treasures: Precious Pieces of 1500
Years: A Selection. Petersberg: Michael Imhof Verlag, 2020.
Andaloro, Maria. “Nobiles Officinae: Seide, Gold und Perlen
aus dem Normannenpalast in Palermo.” In
Nobiles Officinae: Die königlichen Hofwerkstätten zu
Palermo zur Zeit der Normannen und Staufer im 12. und 13.
Jahrhundert, edited by Wilfried Seipel, 27–35. Exh. cat. Milan: Skira,
2004.
———, ed.
Nobiles Officinae: Perle, filigrane e trame di seta dal
Palazzo Reale di Palermo
. 2 vols. Exh. cat. Catania: G. Maimone, 2006.
———. “Caskets Inside Out: Revisiting the Classification of
the ‘Siculo-Arabic’ Ivories.”
Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 4, no.
1–2 (2017): 51–145.
Asutay-Effenberger, Neslihan. “Überlegung zur Datierung und
Lokalisierung der Innsbrucker Artukiden-Schale.”
Byzantion 79 (2009): 37–47.
Althoff, Gerd. “Otto IV.—Woran scheiterte der welfische
Traum vom Kaisertum?”
Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43, no. 1 (2009):
199–214.
Auld, Silvia. “Exploring Links between East and West in the
13th Century: Circles of Coincidence.” In
Islamic Artefacts in the Mediterranean World: Trade, Gift
Exchange and Artistic Transfer, edited by Gerhard Wolf and Catarina Schmidt Arcangeli,
131–46. Venice: Marsilio, 2010.
Bosselmann-Ruickbie, Antje. “Byzantinisch, Islamisch oder
‘Internationaler Stil?’ Email- und Körbchenohrringe aus dem
östlichen Mittelmeerraum.” In
Grenzgänge im östlichen Mittelmeerraum: Byzanz und die
islamische Welt vom 9. bis 13. Jahrhundert, edited by Ulrike Koenen and Martina Müller-Wiener,
83–119. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2008.
———. “Byzantinisierende Emails mit lateinischen Inschriften
auf einer Mitra des 15. Jahrhunderts aus Linköping (heute
Stockholm): Lateinerzeitliches Konstantinopel oder Sizilien
um 1300? Zur mittelalterlichen Emailkunst und Aspekten von
‘Kulturtransfer’ im Mittelalter.” In
Contextus: Festschrift für Sabine Schrenk, edited
by Sible de Blaauw, Elisabet Enss, and Petra Linscheid,
489–504. Münster: Aschendorff, 2020.
———. “Contact between Byzantium and the West from the 9th to
the 15th Century and Their Reflections in Goldsmiths’ Works
and Enamels.” In
Menschen, Bilder, Sprache, Dinge: Wege der Kommunikation
zwischen Byzanz und dem Westen. Vol. 1, Bilder und Dinge, Byzanz zwischen Orient
und Okzident 9.1, edited by Falko Daim, Dominik Heher, and
Claudia Rapp, 73–104. Mainz: Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums, 2018.
———. “The Ornamental Decoration of the Late Byzantine
Bessarion Cross: Medieval Cultural Transfer between
Byzantium, the West, the Islamic World and Russia.” In
La Stauroteca di Bessarione fra Constantinopoli e
Venezia, edited by Holger A. Klein, Valeria Poletto, and Peter
Schreiner, 183–224. Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze,
Lettere ed Arti, 2017.
———, ed.
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie: Der
hochmittelalterliche Silberkasten aus Sizilien im Trierer
Domschatz. Byzantium between Orient and Occident. Mainz: Verlag des
Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, forthcoming.
———. “Vergoldeter Silberkasten im Trierer Domschatz.” In
Islam in Europa, 1000–1250, edited by Claudia Höhl,
Felix Prinz, and Pavla Ralcheva, 210–15, no. 47. Exh. cat.
Regensburg: Schnell and Steiner, 2022 .
———. “Wasserspeier in Form eines Löwenkopfes aus
Bergkristall.” In Islam in Europa 1000–1250, edited
by Claudia Höhl, Felix Prinz, and Pavla Ralcheva, 210–15,
no. 45. Exh. cat. Regensburg: Schnell und Steiner, 2022 .
Christ, Georg, Saskia Dönitz, Daniel G. König, et al., eds.
Transkulturelle Verflechtungen: Mediävistische Perspektiven. Göttingen:
Universitätsverlag Göttingen, 2016.
Drake Boehm, Barbara, and Melanie Holcomb, eds.
Jerusalem: Every People under Heaven. Exh. cat. New
York: Metropolitan Museum of Art: New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 2016.
Durand, Jannic, Dorata Giovannoni, and Ioanna Rapti, eds.
Sainte Russie: L’art russe des origines à Pierre le
Grand. Exh. cat. Paris: Louvre éditions, 2010.
Grabar, Oleg. “The Shared Culture of Objects.” In
Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, edited by
Henry Maguire, 115–129. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1997.
Greeves, Tom, Sue Andrew, and Chris Chapman, eds.
The Three Hares: A Curiosity Worth Regarding. South
Molton: Skerryvore Productions, 2016.
Hartmann, Sonngard. “Materialanalyse: Vergoldeter
Silberkasten (RGZM WB_2018_0081).” In
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie: Der
hochmittelalterliche Silberkasten aus Sizilien im Trierer
Domschatz, edited by Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie, Byzantium between
Orient and Occident. Mainz: Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums, forthcoming .
Heyen, Franz-Josef.
Das Stift St. Paulin vor Trier: Das Erzbistum Trier. Vol. 1, Germania Sacra 6, edited by
Max-Planck-Institut für Geschichte. Berlin: Walter de
Gruyter, 1972.
Hildburgh, Walter Leo. “A Hispano-Arabic Silver-gilt and
Crystal Casket.” Antiquaries Journal 21, no. 3
(1941): 211–31.
Johns, Jeremy.
Arabic Administration and Norman Kingship in Sicily: The
Royal Dīwān. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
Kapitaikin, Lev A. “Sicily and the Staging of
Multiculturalism.” In
A Companion to Islamic Art and Architecture, edited
by Finbarr Barry Flood and Gülru Necipoğlu, 378–404.
Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley, 2017.
Kentenich, Dr. “Miszellen: Ein Verzeichnis des Trierer
Domschatzes aus dem Jahr 1429: Mitgeteilt von Dr.
Kentenich.” Trierisches Archiv 24/25 (1916):
228–32.
Knipp, David, ed.
Siculo-Arabic Ivories and Islamic Painting, 1100–1300. Proceedings of the international conference, Berlin, 6–8
July 2007. Römische Forschungen der Bibliotheca Hertziana
36. Munich: Hirmer, 2011.
Koenen, Ulrike, and Martina Müller-Wiener, eds*. Grenzgänge
im östlichen Mittelmeerraum: Byzanz und die islamische Welt
vom 9. bis 13. Jahrhundert*. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert
Verlag, 2008.
Marshak, Boris.
Silberschätze des Orients: Metallkunst des 3.–13.
Jahrhunderts und ihre Kontinuität. Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1986.
Martin, Therese, ed.
The Medieval Iberian Treasury in the Context of Cultural
Interchange. Leiden: Brill, 2020.
Migeon, Gaston.
Manuel d’arts Musulman: Arts plastique et industriels. Vol. 2,
Orfèvrerie, cuivres, cristaux de roche, verrerie,
céramique, tissus, verrerie. 2nd rev. ed. Paris: A. Picard, 1927.
Patscher, Stephan, and Matthias Heinzel. “Zur
Herstellungstechnik des sogenannten ‘Trierer Silberkastens’
in der Schatzkammer der Hohen Domkirche St. Peter zu Trier.”
In
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie: Der
hochmittelalterliche Silberkasten aus Sizilien im Trierer
Domschatz, ed. Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie, Byzantium between Orient
and Occident. Mainz: Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums, forthcoming.
Reichert, Franz Rudolf. “Trierer Heiltumsschriften (mit
einem Anhang von Hans-Walter Stork).” In
Schatzkunst Trier—Forschungen und Ergebnisse,
Treveris Sacra 4, edited by Franz J. Ronig, 167–86. Trier:
Spee, 1991.
Rosenberg, Marc.
Geschichte der Goldschmiedekunst auf technischer
Grundlage. Vol. 3, Granulation. Frankfurt am Main: Baer,
1918.
Schmid, Wolfgang.
Graphische Medien und katholische Reform:
Reliquienverehrung, Goldschmiedekunst und Wallfahrt in
rheinischen Städten nach dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg. Trier: Paulinus, 2008.
Schwinger, Anna T. “Verständnis und Mißverständnis,
Interpretation und Mißinterpretation: Zur
Rezeptionsgeschichte des Krönungsornats der Könige und
Kaiser des Heiligen Römischen Reiches.” In
Nobiles Officinae: Die königlichen Hofwerkstätten zu
Palermo zur Zeit der Normannen und Staufer im 12. und 13.
Jahrhundert, edited by Wilfried Seipel, 97–107. Exh. cat. Milan:
Skira, 2004.
Seipel, Wilfried, ed.
Nobiles Officinae: Die königlichen Hofwerkstätten zu
Palermo zur Zeit der Normannen und Staufer im 12. und 13.
Jahrhundert. Exh. cat. Milan: Skira, 2004.
Shalem, Avinoam. “What Do We Mean When We Say ‘Islamic Art’?
A Plea for a Critical Rewriting of the History of the Arts
of Islam.” Journal of Art Historiography 6 (2012):
1–18.
———.
The Oliphant: Islamic Objects in Historical Context. Islamic History and Civilization, Studies and Texts 54.
Leiden: Brill, 2004.
———, and Maria Glaser.
Die mittelalterlichen Olifante. 2 vols. Berlin:
Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 2014.
Shaw, Wendy. What Is “Islamic” Art? Between Religion and
Perception. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019.
Slomann, Vilhelm.
Bicorporates: Studies in Revivals and Migrations of Art
Motifs. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1967.
Ströbele, Florian, Sonngard Hartmann, and Susanne Greiff.
“Untersuchungen an den Silbereinlagen des
Tassilo-Liutpirc-Kelches.” In
Der Tassilo-Liutpric-Kelch im Stift Kremsmünster:
Geschichte, Archäologie, Kunst, edited by Egon Wamers, 70–100. Regensburg: Schnell und
Steiner, 2019.
Stürner, Wolfgang. Friedrich II. 2 vols. Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2003.
NOTES
The most recent catalogue of the Cathedral Treasury in
Trier is Jürgen von Ahn and Kirstin Mannhardt, eds.,
Trier—Sakrale Schätze: Kostbarkeiten aus 1500 Jahren;
Ein Auswahlkatalog / Sacred Treasures: Precious Pieces
of 1500 Years; A Selection
(Petersberg: Michael Imhof Verlag, 2020), 20–21 (no. 15,
illustration on pp.20-21).
↩︎
Selected publications mentioning the Trier casket
include Marc Rosenberg,
Geschichte der Goldschmiedekunst auf technischer
Grundlage, vol. 3, Granulation (Frankfurt am Main:
Baer, 1918), 101–2, figs. 181, 183; Gaston Migeon,
Manuel d’arts Musulman: Arts plastique et
industriels, vol. 2,
Orfèvrerie, cuivres, cristaux de roche, verrerie,
céramique, tissus, verrerie, 2nd rev. ed. (Paris: A. Picard, 1927), 18–19; Walter
Leo Hildburgh, “A Hispano-Arabic Silver-gilt and Crystal
Casket,” Antiquaries Journal 21, no. 3 (1941):
211–31, esp. 222–31; Vilhelm Slomann,
Bicorporates: Studies in Revivals and Migrations of
Art Motifs
(Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1967), 1:19–20; Franz Ronig,
ed. ,
Schatzkunst Trier, Ausstellung Domschatzkammer
Trier, exh. cat., Treveris Sacra 2 (Trier: Spee, 1984), no.
82 (Ronig); Boris Marshak,
Silberschätze des Orients:Metallkunst des 3.–13. Jahrhunderts und ihre
Kontinuität
(Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1986), 119, 435, figs. 166–67;
Marilyn Jenkins, “Mamluk Jewelry,” Muquarnas 5
(1988): 29–42, 31–32, 34, figs. 11a–c, 31–32, 34, fig.
11a–c; Silvia Auld, “Exploring Links between East and
West in the 13th Century: Circles of Coincidence,” in
Islamic Artefacts in the Mediterranean World: Trade,
Gift Exchange and Artistic Transfer, ed. Gerhard Wolf and Catarina Schmidt Arcangeli
(Venice: Marsilio, 2010) 139–40; Jannic Durand, Dorata
Giovannoni, and Ioanna Rapti, eds.,
Sainte Russie: L’art russe des origines à Pierre le
Grand, exh. cat. (Paris: Louvre éditions, 2010), no. 155
(Jannic Durand); Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie, “Contact
between Byzantium and the West from the 9th to the 15th
Century and Their Reflections in Goldsmiths’ Works and
Enamels,” in
Menschen, Bilder, Sprache, Dinge: Wege der
Kommunikation zwischen Byzanz und dem Westen, vol. 1, Bilder und Dinge, Byzanz zwischen
Orient und Okzident 9.1, ed. Falko Daim, Dominik Heher,
and Claudia Rapp (Mainz: Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen
Zentralmuseums, 2018), 74; Ahn and Mannhardt,
Trier—Sakrale Schätze, no. 15; and Antje
Bosselmann-Ruickbie,“Vergoldeter Silberkasten im Trierer
Domschatz,” in Islam in Europa, 1000–1250, ed.
Claudia Höhl, Felix Prinz, and Pavla Ralcheva, exh. cat
(Regensburg: Schnell and Steiner, 2022), 210–15, no. 47.
↩︎
See the reports of the RGZM: Stephan Patscher and
Matthias Heinzel, “Zur Herstellungstechnik des
sogenannten ‘Trierer Silberkastens’ in der Schatzkammer
der Hohen Domkirche St. Peter zu Trier,“ in
Bosselmann-Ruickbie,
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie; and Sonngard
Hartmann, “Materialanalyse: Vergoldeter Silberkasten
(RGZM WB_2018_0081),” in Bosselmann-Ruickbie,
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie. My sincere
thanks to Prof. Susanne Greiff for making the analyses
possible, and to Sonngard Hartmann, Stephan Patscher,
and Matthias Heinzel for their invaluable enthusiasm and
constructive discussions.
↩︎
The peg with the seated lion originally would have had a
hole at its lower end, which has been filed off. This
hole probably would have held a little metal peg in
place to avoid the lion peg falling out. It is very
likely that this little peg was attached by a chain,
which was fixed in the tiny hole visible over the
central fitting on the top of the corpus front (see Fig.
2). ↩︎
Dr. Kentenich, “Miszellen: Ein Verzeichnis des Trierer
Domschatzes aus dem Jahr 1429; Mitgeteilt von Dr.
Kentenich,” Trierisches Archiv 24/25 (1916):
228–32, published the list that had been compiled on 3
March 1429 on the occasion of the treasure’s restitution
to the cathedral, including the relevant passage: “item
in eyme anderen silvern, vergultem costlichen schryne
ist der heiligen Keyserinnen sant Helenen heubt mit
zweyen gulden reuffen über und umb daz heubt verwirkt
und umbsatzet mit edelen gesteyne und groissen perlen;
item in demselbigen schryne ist sant Lacerus Herenbecken
[brain pan]” (p. 230). For an image of the skull of
Saint Helena, see Ahn and Mannhardt,
Trier—Sakrale Schätze, 116.
↩︎
Franz-Josef Heyen,
Das Stift St. Paulin vor Trier, vol. 1,
Das Erzbistum Trier, Germania Sacra 6, ed.
Max-Planck-Institut für Geschichte (Berlin: Walter de
Gruyter, 1972), 338–39, §21, 3b: “Weiheinschrift der am
22.9.1088 geweihten St. Michaels-Kapelle.” The
inscription does not record the exact nature of the
relic, but in a mid-fifteenth-century source, a
brachium (arm) is mentioned for the church of
Saint Paulin (see Heyen*,* 342, §21, 3i:
“Reliquienverzeichnis aus der Mitte des 15.
Jahrhunderts”). According to Wolfgang Schmid,
Graphische Medien und katholische Reform:
Reliquienverehrung, Goldschmiedekunst und Wallfahrt in
rheinischen Städten nach dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg
(Trier: Paulinus, 2008), 27 note 56, the head of Saint
Lazarus was found in 1512 in the altar of Saint Nicolaus
in the cathedral; however, the list of 1429 (see note 6)
indicates that the skull relic was already in Trier
before this date.
↩︎
See Schmid, Graphische Medien, 15–42; Ahn and
Mannhardt, Trier—Sakrale Schätze, 14 (illus.);
and Franz Rudolf Reichert, “Trierer Heiltumsschriften
(mit einem Anhang von Hans-Walter Stork),” in
Schatzkunst Trier—Forschungen und Ergebnisse,
ed. Franz J. Ronig, Treveris Sacra 4 (Trier: Spee,
1991), fig. 10.
↩︎
Compare, e.g., the casket of Saints John the Baptist and
Pelayo, lined with silk samite, Museo de la Real
Colegiata de San Isidoro de León, inv. no. IIC- 3- 089-
002- 0023, in Therese Martin, ed.,
The Medieval Iberian Treasury in the Context of
Cultural Interchange
(Leiden: Brill, 2020), 102, fig. 4.12A, B.
↩︎
On the issue of terminology, see, Wendy Shaw,
What Iis “‘Islamic”’ Art? Between Religion and
Perception
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019); and
What is “Islamic” Art?. Avinoam Shalem, “What
Do We Mean When We Say “‘Islamic art”’? A Plea for a
Critical Rewriting of the History of the Arts of Islam,”
Journal of Art Historiography 6 (2012): 1-–18.
↩︎
Tom Greeves, Sue Andrew, and Chris Chapman, eds.,
The Three Hares: A Curiosity Worth Regarding
(South Molton: Skerryvore Productions, 2016).
↩︎
British Library, London, Egerton MS 1139. This is one of
the earliest objects comparable to the Trier casket’s
bottom plate in terms of formal aspects and ornaments.
Barbara Drake Boehm and Melanie Holcomb, eds.,
Jerusalem: Every People under Heaven, exh. cat
(New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art; New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 2016), no. 121 (Jaroslav Folda).
↩︎
Oleg Grabar, “The Shared Culture of Objects,” in
Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, ed.
Henry Maguire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1997), 115–29.
↩︎
An in-depth analysis will follow in Bosselmann-Ruickbie,
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie.
↩︎
See, e.g., the case of the Artuqid Bowl in Innsbruck,
Austria: Ulrike Koenen and Martina Müller-Wiener,
eds*.*,
Grenzgänge im östlichen Mittelmeerraum: Byzanz und
die islamische Welt vom 9. bis 13. Jahrhundert
(Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2008); and
Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger, “Überlegung zur Datierung
und Lokalisierung der Innsbrucker Artukiden-Schale,”
Byzantion 79 (2009): 37–47.
↩︎
For a detailed analysis of the casket’s shape and
decoration, see Bosselmann-Ruickbie,
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie.
↩︎
See Avinoam Shalem,
The Oliphant: Islamic Objects in Historical
Context, Islamic History and Civilization, Studies and Texts
54 (Leiden: Brill, 2004); and Avinoam Shalem and Maria
Glaser, Die mittelalterlichen Olifante, 2 vols.
(Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 2014).
↩︎
Silvia Armando, “Avori ‘Arabo-Siculi’ nel Medierraneo
medievale,” 2 vols. (PhD diss., Università degli studi
della Tuscia–Viterbo, 2012),
https://dspace.unitus.it/handle/2067/2383[https://dspace.unitus.it/handle/2067/2383](https://dspace.unitus.it/handle/2067/2383)); David Knipp, ed.,
Siculo-Arabic Ivories and Islamic Painting,
1100–1300, proceedings of the international conference, Berlin,
6–8 July 2007, Römische Forschungen der Bibliotheca
Hertziana 36 (Munich: Hirmer, 2011); Silvia Armando,
“Caskets Inside Out: Revisiting the Classification of
the ‘Siculo-Arabic’ Ivories,”
Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 4,
no. 1–2 (2017): 51–145.
↩︎
See Patscher and Heinzel, “Zur Herstellungstechnik”; and
Hartmann, “Materialanalyse.” For comparison with the
analyses of the Tassilo-Liutpirc chalice in
Kremsmünster, also investigated at the RGZM, see Florian
Ströbele, Sonngard Hartmann, and Susanne Greiff,
“Untersuchungen an den Silbereinlagen des
Tassilo-Liutpirc-Kelches,” in
Der Tassilo-Liutpric-Kelch im Stift Kremsmünster:
Geschichte, Archäologie, Kunst, ed. Egon Wamers (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner,
2019), 70–100.
↩︎
Precious-metal material for medieval goldsmiths’ works
were often compiled from different sources, such as
melted older objects and coins. See Ströbele, Hartmann,
and Greiff, “Tassilo-Liutpirc Kelch,” 91–92.
↩︎
For the analysis results, see Hartmann,
“Materialanalyse.” To verify the silver alloy, a total
of 240 measurements were taken (on 94 parts of the
casket, 16 of which were parts of the frame and 8 of
which were on the inserted plates with filigree and
granulation). The sample areas were not prepared before
measuring. Device: Eagle III by Roentgenanalytik Systeme
GmbH & Co. KG, Taunusstein, Germany; monocapillaries
with c. 300 µm focus (= area of analysis). The peg with
the lion sculpture was re-analysed in 2020 at the RGZM
with a new device, reducing the focus from 300 µm to 20
µm. Device: M4 Tornado, Bruker Nano GmbH Berlin;
polycapillaries, c. 20 µm focus). The casket is made of
four parts, which are all coherent in their silver
content of far over 90%; the lion peg shows, however,
some peculiarities regarding the lead content in one
part, which might indicate a later repair.
↩︎
Except for the peg with the seated lion, which might
have been exposed to higher temperatures (it could have
also been a later addition). See Hartmann,
“Materialanalyse.”
↩︎
For the concept of cultural entanglement, see, e.g.,
Georg Christ, Saskia Dönitz, Daniel G. König, et al.,
eds.,
Transkulturelle Verflechtungen: Mediävistische
Perspektiven
(Göttingen: Universitätsverlag Göttingen, 2016).
↩︎
We will focus here on the comparisons with Sicily. For
comparisons regarding other attributions in the research
literature, see Bosselmann-Ruickbie,
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie. For a
discussion of the spiral filigree on the Trier casket
and the fourteenth-century Byzantine Bessarion Cross in
comparison with the fourteenth-century Cap of Monomakh
(Golden Horde) and the fifteenth-century frame of the
Vladimir Icon (Moscow), both in the Moscow Kremlin’s
Armoury, see Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie, “The Ornamental
Decoration of the Late Byzantine Bessarion Cross:
Medieval Cultural Transfer between Byzantium, the West,
the Islamic World and Russia,” in
La Stauroteca di Bessarione fra Constantinopoli e
Venezia, ed. Holger A. Klein, Valeria Poletto, and Peter
Schreiner (Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere
ed Arti, 2017), 183–224.
↩︎
Wilfried Seipel, ed., Nobiles Officinae:Die königlichen Hofwerkstätten zu Palermo zur Zeit
der Normannen und Staufer im 12. und 13.
Jahrhundert, exh. cat (Milan: Skira, 2004), 157, no. 3 (Red.) and
no. 66 (Rotraut Bauer). See also Seipel,
Nobiles Officinae, 3–5, 8, 9.
↩︎
Seipel, Nobiles Officinae, no. 70 (Rotraut
Bauer); Anna T. Schwinger, “Verständnis und
Missverständnis, Interpretation und Missinterpretation:
Zur Rezeptionsgeschichte des Krönungsornats der Könige
und Kaiser des Heiligen Römischen Reiches,” in
Nobiles Officinae, 97.
↩︎
Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum, inv. no. C5959, h. 15
cm, wt. 5.68 kg. See Seipel, Nobiles Officinae,
no. 20 (Rudolf Distelberger); and Antje
Bosselmann-Ruickbie, “Wasserspeier in Form eines
Löwenkopfes aus Bergkristall,” in Höhl, Prinz, and
Ralcheva, Islam in Europa, 210–15, no. 45
↩︎
Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie, “Byzantinisch, Islamisch oder
‘Internationaler Stil’? Email- und Körbchenohrringe aus
dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum,” in
Grenzgänge im östlichen Mittelmeerraum: Byzanz und
die islamische Welt vom 9. bis 13. Jahrhundert, ed. Ulrike Koenen and Martina Müller-Wiener
(Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2008), 94–95.
↩︎
However, goldsmiths’ works from the Mamluk period in
Egypt, following the Fatimid rule, can be dismissed due
to the characteristic lack of granulation. See Jenkins,
“Mamluk Jewelry.”
↩︎
For examples, see Knipp, Siculo-Arabic Ivories,
213, fig. 17, no. 1; and Armando, “Caskets,” figs 1,
5–7, 12, 14, 18.
↩︎
Lev A. Kapitaikin, “Sicily and the Staging of
Multiculturalism,” in
A Companion to Islamic Art and Architecture,
ed. Finbarr Barry Flood and Gülru Necipoğlu (Hoboken,
NJ: John Wiley, 2017), 399. For an overview of the large
group of Siculo-Arabic ivories (which also comprises
croziers and liturgical combs), see Kapitaikin,
“Sicily,” 397–400, esp. 399 for an overview of research
on workshops.
↩︎
For Arabic traditions in the administration of Sicily,
see Jeremy Johns,
Arabic Administration and Norman Kingship in Sicily:
The Royal Dīwān
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
↩︎
Knipp, Siculo-Arabic Ivories, no. 6; see also
no. 1 (casket with lid in the shape of a truncated
pyramid), no. 5 (painted ivory comb). See also Armando,
“Caskets,” fig. 38b.
↩︎
A metal box in the Treasury of San Marco has also been
attributed to Sicily and the Nobiles Officinae (twelfth
century). However, it is smaller and has a flat lid. See
Seipel, Nobiles Officinae, no. 13 (Annamaria
Spiazzi).
↩︎
See Patscher and Heinzel, “Herstellungstechnik.”
↩︎
Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie, “Byzantinisierende Emails mit
lateinischen Inschriften auf einer Mitra des 15.
Jahrhunderts aus Linköping (heute Stockholm):
Lateinerzeitliches Konstantinopel oder Sizilien um 1300?
Zur mittelalterlichen Emailkunst und Aspekten von
‘Kulturtransfer’ im Mittelalter,” in
Contextus: Festschrift für Sabine Schrenk, ed.
Sible de Blaauw, Elisabet Enss, and Petra Lincheid
(Münster: Aschendorff, 2020), 502.
↩︎
See, e.g., Wolfgang Stürner,
Friedrich II (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche
Buchgesellschaft, 2003), vol. 1:156; and Gerd Althoff,
“Otto IV.—Woran scheiterte der welfische Traum vom
Kaisertum?,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 43,
no. 1 (2009): 203.
↩︎
Here, I must refer to the reader to the final
publication for this study: Bosselmann-Ruickbie,
Potentiale einer Objektbiographie.
↩︎
Fig. 1Trier casket, Sicily, mid-12th to early 13th century. Silver,
gilded on the exterior, l. 11 13/16 in. (30 cm), w. 9 1/16 in.
(23 cm), h. overall 9 1/16 in. (23 cm), h. including feet 9
9/16 in. (24.2 cm). Treasury of the Cathedral Saint Peter,
Trier, inv. no. 17. Photo: Sabine Steidl, LEIZA, Mainz.
Fig. 9Trier casket, interior. The white arrow indicates where the
outer, narrower layer of the frame has pushed through the
inner layer. Photo: Sabine Steidl, LEIZA, Mainz.
Fig. 10Trier casket, leopard sphinx, detail of metal fitting behind
the lion crowning the peg. Height c. 1.5 cm. Photo: Antje
Bosselmann-Ruickbie.
Fig. 11Heiltumsblatt, showing the relics of Trier,
Designatio Sacratissimarum quarundam Reliquiarum, Cologne,
1655. Etching, 21 11/16 x 15 9/16 in. (55 x 39.5 cm).
Bibliothek des Bischöflichen Priesterseminars Trier.
Fig. 12Heiltumsblatt, detail showing the Trier casket.
Fig. 13Cappella Palatina, Palermo, 1140s. Eastern soffit of the
arcades on the north side of the central nave. Photo: Antje
Bosselmann-Ruickbie.
Fig. 15Siculo-Arabic ivory casket, mid-12th century. Ivory, painted
with gold, brown, and vermilion red, 4 7/16 x 3 3/8 x 2 15/16
in. (11.2 x 8.5 x 7.5 cm). Benaki Museum Athens, inv. no.
10637. From Knipp, Siculo-Arabic Ivories, 323, fig.
6b.
Fig. 17Ceremonial sword of Emperor Frederick II with scabbard,
before 1220, Palermo. L. of sword 42¾ in. (108.5 cm), l. of
scabbard 36 7/16 in. (92.5 cm). Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien,
inv. no. Schatzkammer, WS XIII 16
(www.khm.at/de/object/03022a216b/-).
Fig. 18Detail of the ceremonial sword of Emperor Frederick II with
scabbard with vermicular filigree. Photo: Antje
Bosselmann-Ruickbie.
Fig. 19Cingulum (belt), probably belonging to the
coronation vestments of King Roger II (crowned 1133/34),
detail of a belt fitting. Gold, granulation, and filigree.
Kunsthistorisches Museum Vienna, inv. no. Schatzkammer, WS
XIII 10. From Maria Andaloro, ed.,
Nobiles Officinae: Perle, filigrane e trame di seta dal
Palazzo Reale di Palermo, exh. cat. (Catania: G. Maimone, 2006), vol. 1, no. I.7.
Fig. 21Detail of a Fatimid “box-shaped” earring, 10th-11th century.
Gold, with filigree and granulation. Benaki Museum Athens,
inv. no. 1863. Photo: Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie.